Showing posts with label methods. Show all posts
Showing posts with label methods. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 28, 2019

Gonzo Anthropology Lives!

I recently received a surprising and wonderful message from filmmaker/multimodal ethnographer/doctoral student Taylor Genovese about his new article, Going Gonzo: toward a performative practice in multimodal ethnography in the journal entanglements (2019), 2(1): 97-110. The article can be found on-line at the following URL:

https://entanglementsjournal.org/going-gonzo/

Genovese writes: I just wanted to send you an email to thank you for paving the way in formulating gonzo anthropology. When I was in my MA program, a friend and I formed an independent study group to think through “gonzo ethnography” using your paper as a foundation. Since my undergrad, I was drawn to visual anthropology since I worked in the local film industry in Tucson, AZ before going back to school. I was interested in how to merge gonzo approaches within the domains of the visual and performance.

Anyway, this is a long way of saying that I have finally published a working paper looking at gonzo anthropology through the lens of multimodal ethnography/performance. I wanted to share it with you since a) you were a big inspiration for my thinking through this; and b) I wanted you to know that the gonzo project is not dead in anthropology!


Wow! I am truly shocked that someone not only found my obscure article but that they wanted to build upon it. Thank you so much, Taylor! And I urge others to read Taylor's article. Check out his web page as well.

https://www.taylorgenovese.com/#

And in case anyone else is interested, you can find my Towards Gonzo Anthropology: Ethnography as Cultural Performance in the Journal of Inquiry and Research (2013), (98): 55-70. URL:

https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/147853006.pdf

If you want a small taste of my original essay, you can find it here:

http://visualanthropologyofjapan.blogspot.com/2006/11/gonzo-anthropology-circa-1995.html

Saturday, May 4, 2019

"Social media fails to follow traditional news outlets' stricter approach to portrait rights in Japan"

Here's an important new article by Patrick St. Michel at The Japan Times, 5/4/19. It should be added to the VAOJ "Shooting Culture in Japan" project which deals with the ethics of doing visual anthropology in Japan. Methods, ethics and privacy are constantly evolving and changing with new technology, thinking and practices. The discourse on these issues needs to continue.

A man in Chiba Prefecture became irritated last month at how long it was taking for a barrier at a rail crossing to open. Losing patience, he fetched a hand saw from his van and removed the barrier arm so that he could drive through.

Unfortunately, another person recorded the incident on their phone and posted it on Twitter. The user apologized for capturing a few passing cars’ license plates, but believed it was important to capture the man’s behavior. The post went viral, attracting tons of attention online before ultimately being picked up by television networks.

When excerpts from the video were broadcast on TV, news programs blurred the man’s face. This is common practice for mass media in Japan, but this was only one of several recent incidents underlining how social media has changed such perception of privacy. Sites such as Twitter and YouTube are far more likely to encroach into someone’s space, whether the purpose is to shame someone for acting badly … or simply score some laughs.

Part of the appeal of the internet early on in Japan was the sense of anonymity granted to users. This allowed sites such as 2channel or Mixi to become hubs of online activity. Even today, Twitter in Japan stands apart from other platforms because of this, with its privacy policy even specifying that pseudonyms are acceptable.

This anonymity has emboldened users to attack others, with no hesitation about hiding their identity. One of the most popular genres of video online is the DQN video, a slang term referring to people acting in a stupid or obnoxious fashion. Compilations on YouTube capture such behavior in convenience stores and on the streets. This has extended to all corners of the internet, where some use the Net as a way to shame anyone doing something they shouldn’t be doing.

A recent example of this occurred in Nagoya, where a man delayed a train by refusing to let its doors close. A video of the incident was shared online and was ultimately picked up by TV networks, which also blurred the faces of the people that appeared in the frame.

This is because the networks are playing it safe. Media law in Japan gives people the right to be left alone, while portrait rights allow individuals to avoid being photographed. Such legislation has been around for decades as a way to protect identities, although the application of such laws gets blurry pretty fast. In short, if you film in public and you publish the results online, a person in the footage can in theory file a complaint if their identity is clear. Such practice also applies to social media, as a person can file similar complaints to YouTube or Twitter.

In general, traditional media abides by these standards to avoid lawsuits. They are bigger targets with large financial reserves, after all. Individual online users generally don’t have to worry about this too much, although it is possible to find yourself in hot water for uploading such posts.

It isn’t all about documenting jerks and teens messing with food. The Twitter account Shibuya Meltdown shares photos and videos of people sleeping in the entertainment district, along with images of other chaotic behavior.

“Yeah, for some reason it’s the funniest thing in the world,” account founder Thom O’Brien told Vice in 2016.

Is it ethical? In the Vice interview, O’Brien wrestles with this question, but justifies it by saying being in public makes them fair game (while also avoiding ethical pits such as photographing homeless individuals). Shibuya Meltdown is ultimately a DQN account without the shaming (down to highlighting recent incidents), and has proven popular both at home and abroad. It helps that O’Brien says he doesn’t profit from the site or try to sway public opinion — compare this to a like-minded Polish photographer’s series, which was published in a book and tried to take a broader look at life in Japan. People weren’t so happy.

However, trepidation still exists. Sometimes, Japanese netizens post images on #shibuyameltdown but go so far as to blur out faces.

Maybe the best way to look at privacy on social media in Japan is to treat each user like its own TV station, and it is up to them to decide whether or not to play it safe and blur the faces. Hopefully, they will be able to save a few barrier poles at rail crossings in the process.


Source: https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2019/05/04/national/media-national/social-media-fails-follow-traditional-news-outlets-stricter-approach-portrait-rights-japan/

Click here for the VAOJ "Shooting Culture in Japan" project posts.

Sunday, May 27, 2018

Neighborhood Flowers (shot w/ a new camera allowing for immediate reciprocity)


Last year an elderly woman moved into the old one-room apartments near our house. Her husband had just passed away and she had to move to a cheaper place. This is an all too common situation in Japan these days where elderly people have to live alone on a limited government paid pension. But she is very social and seems to get on well with all of the neighbors. She can often be seen outside her apartment tending to her flowers. She is very good at this and her efforts bring some beauty to an otherwise drab apartment building. I wanted to take a photo of her with her flowers but she was too shy. But she appreciated the attention.

I took this photo with a new camera I recently purchased - a Fujifilm Instax SQ10 - it is like a Polaroid camera of old where you can print out the photo on the camera immediately. It is also a descent digital camera. So you can take a shot, have a digital file saved on a mini SD card and if you like it print it out. (It is a bit pricey compared to other models and the film is expensive.) I find it works well as a simple field camera - not too heavy or bulky. And you can print out photos of people you take in the course of research as an immediate form of thanks and reciprocity. The usual disclaimer holds - this is not a product endorsement. Rather it is a handy addition to my fieldwork/research gear. And it made a nice old lady happy...

Wednesday, March 15, 2017

"Ethnography and Street Photography" (New article at Anthropology News) plus some bonuses...

Really interesting article incorporating text and photos by Brent Luvaas recently posted at Anthropology News. Short excerpt:

Street photography, notes Magnum photographer Alex Webb, is a practice of harnessing serendipity. Photographers never know what they are going to find when they go out on the streets. They have to stay open to what comes their way and be ready for it when it does. They have to let go of expectations, plan to have no plan. They are, writes Webb, “at the mercy of the world and the world only gives them so much” (Webb and Webb 2014, 56).

Ethnography is like that too. Anthropologists, once out in the field, have to let go of our pre-conceived notions of what our projects will look like or how they will unfold. We have to adapt to the circumstances as they present themselves, go with the flow. Sometimes, we have to disregard our research plans entirely. Designed in front of a computer with the input of advisors and colleagues, the best laid ethnographic plans often fail to conform to the realities of ethnographic research.


Check out the entire article and photos: http://www.anthropology-news.org/index.php/2017/03/10/ethnography-and-street-photography-two-arts-of-serendipity/

BONUS! Sources regarding experimentation of visual + text by G P Witteveen:

SEE2THINK - thinking with pictures: https://see2think.wordpress.com/

ethnographic vignettes: https://anthroviews.blogspot.jp/

Lots of good visual anthropology to explore...

Monday, March 13, 2017

"Seeing Ainu as they want to be seen - Portrait project is the result of months spent living as part of village community"


Image (by Laura Liverani) and text (by Shannon Schubert) from The Japan Times, 3/12/17.

”Imagine this place,” says Italian photographer Laura Liverani, as she tries to conjure up a picture of Nibutani, the village where she spent two months living with and photographing the indigenous people of Hokkaido. “There’s about 400 people that live there, it’s not very well connected to other areas so it’s very rural. There’s a strong presence of the Ainu, not only because 70 percent is of Ainu descent, but because it is culturally very active.

“I would call Nibutani, if not second home, a very familiar place.” One, she says, that will stay with her “forever.”

The first fruit of Liverani’s time in Hokkaido is “Ainu Nenoan Ainu” (“Human-like Human” in the Ainu language), a photographic portraiture series now being exhibited at the Italian Cultural Institute in Tokyo.

Still in production is a documentary on the Ainu, a joint effort with collaborators Neo Sora and Valy Thorsteindottir, who also stayed in Nibutani. The trio call themselves Lunch Bee House, after an Ainu restaurant in the village. Liverani is tight-lipped about the content of the documentary, except to say that it focuses on two Ainu families, or “clans,” from Nibutani.

“The actual project started in 2012,” Liverani explains. “I was taking photos and talking to people informally and becoming engaged with the Ainu community. Then I thought I need a little bit more depth into the project, so I had the idea of making a documentary, but I had no experience in filmmaking.

“I’d like to call ourselves a punk band of filmmaking,” she says of Lunch Bee House, “because none of us have a clear position in filmmaking — we just wanted to get on stage and play.”

The rural remoteness of Nibutani first came as a shock. “There are no shops, no places to hang out, just one drive-in restaurant and that’s about it,” Liverani says. What it does have in abundance, however, is culture.

“There are Ainu museums and Ainu activists, and everyone is so engaged in promoting and reinventing and preserving Ainu culture and language,” she explains. “It was very passionate.”

Such efforts are important considering the community’s history. The Ainu are one of Japan’s most marginalized groups. They were only officially recognized as the indigenous people of northern Japan in 2008, following the passage of the Resolution on the Rights of Indigenous People at the United Nations. Oppression and discrimination have contributed to the erosion of the culture over the centuries of colonization leading up to Hokkaido’s full incorporation into the Meiji Japanese state in the 19th century.

The official figure for the number of Ainu in Japan now stands at 25,000, but unofficial estimates put it closer to 200,000, considering that the policy of forced assimilation into Japanese society means many people of Ainu descent may not even be aware of their heritage.

“The main theme in my series of photographs is actually the theme of identity, so how people represent themselves as Ainu,” says Liverani. “The theme of adoption through Ainu culture is very strong, a very strong point in my work.”

Collaboration was key to this project for Liverani, who insisted on including the subject of the photo in the decision-making process of orchestrating the portrait.

“My idea was to subvert the language of the anthropological portrait by engaging the people in the portrait,” she says. “So I would ask people how they would want to be photographed … so it wouldn’t be only my own projection onto the person, but it would be more a collaboration and the person photographed would have a say in how they would want to be represented. So the portrait became the only possible mode.”

But the project grew to encompass more of what constitutes Ainu culture.

“I started with portraits but obviously a portrait is just partial,” she says. “It became natural to expand the narrative with other photographs, but the portraits are still the core of the project.”

However, Lunch Bee House’s time in Nibutani wasn’t just about the film or Liverani’s photography. She says the three visitors made real, meaningful connections with the people and the community.

“We were sort of adopted by families,” Liverani says. “Of course, we were working on the documentary and on the photo series, so our position was clear, but at the same time we became friends. It was hanging out and also working — it was all entangled together. It was quite an intense and interesting experience.”

Laura Liverani’s documentary photography project “Ainu Nenoan Ainu” is showing at the Italian Cultural Institute in Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo, until Saturday, March 18. The artist will be at the exhibition on Thursday, March 16, 4-6 p.m. For information, please contact the Istituto Italiano di Cultura via eventi.iictokyo@esteri.it or by phone on 03-3264-6011 (extensions 24, 10).


Source: http://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2017/03/12/issues/seeing-ainu-want-seen/

Tuesday, February 14, 2017

"NHK violated Obokata’s rights: broadcasting ethics panel"

From The Japan Times, 2/11/17.

An independent committee said Friday that an NHK TV program committed a human rights violation against disgraced biologist Haruko Obokata, who claimed to have discovered a faster way to generate iPS cells that can grow into any tissue in the human body.

The human rights committee of the Broadcasting Ethics & Program Improvement Organization judged that the program defamed her and decided to issue an advisory urging NHK to prevent similar incidents.

It was the first time that the ethics group has recognized a human rights violation in a program produced by the public broadcaster.

“We see here a human rights violation of defamation,” its report said.

The program, broadcast in July 2014, investigated alleged fraud in Obokata’s research on so-called stimulus-triggered acquisition of pluripotency (STAP) published in the scientific journal Nature.

Obokata, a former researcher at Riken, a top state-backed research institute, submitted a complaint to the ethics group claiming that the program was produced to show that she had stolen embryonic stem cells to conduct her STAP experiments.

NHK rejected her claim, saying it produced the program using objective facts and used care in the expressions it used.

The program investigated allegedly fraudulent acts related to embryonic stem cells found at Obokata’s laboratory office.

The ethics committee concluded that the evidence presented by NHK was insufficient to support the claim that Obokata stole embryonic stem cells.

Furthermore, the committee said NHK’s news-gathering activities, which saw TV crews hounding Obokata, were problematic in terms of broadcasting ethics.

Saying NHK may have intended not only to seek the scientific truth, but also to make Obokata look like a fraud, the ethics committee urged it to reconsider its news-gathering and broadcasting techniques when media coverage is excessive.

“I appreciate the fair conclusion,” Obokata said through her agent in response to the panel’s findings. The NHK program’s “impact on my life will never disappear,” she said.

Obokata does not intend to file a lawsuit at the moment, lawyer Hideo Miki said.


Source: http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2017/02/11/national/nhk-violated-obokatas-rights-broadcasting-ethics-panel/

Wednesday, December 14, 2016

The Wine Project

What happens after a busy and stressful day at work after drinking one, two and three glasses of wine? Here's a sampling from the Wine Project by Marcos Alberti.


I am not necessarily advocating the method used in this venture, but with my own work photographing people as they drink at the tachinomiya as well as occasionally needing some stress relief after quitting time myself, I can certainly appreciate this project. And I love the facial expressions.

Project description from the photographer's web site:

Brazilian photographer creates a unique experience among friends. Marcos Alberti decided to put together some of his passions in this project, friends, photography, wine and also a good old talk. There is a saying about wine that I really like and it's something like this “The first glass of wine is all about the food, the second glass is about love and the third glass is about mayhem” I really wanted to see it for myself if that affirmation was in fact true says Marcos about his latest project.

3 Glasses after started as a joke like a game after hours but a serious work with a good humorous vibe ,the first picture was taken right away when our guests have just arrived at the studio in order to capture the stress and the fatigue after a full day after working all day long and from also facing rush hour traffic to get here. Only then fun time and my project could begin. At the end of every glass of wine a snapshot, nothing fancy, a face and a wall, 3 times. People from all walks of life, music, art, fashion, dance, architecture, advertising got together for a couple of nights and by the end of the third glass several smiles emerged and many stories were told.


See more at Alberti's web site: http://www.masmorrastudio.com/wine-project

Thursday, June 2, 2016

"There’s a real story behind the ‘Fake’ [Japanese Beethoven] documentary"

From The Japan Times, 6/1/16:

Everybody loves a good scandal, and they don’t come much riper than the tale of Mamoru Samuragochi. The public unmasking of “Japan’s Beethoven” — a celebrated “deaf” composer who turned out to be neither completely deaf nor the main author of his work — was one of the biggest domestic news stories of 2014.

On the eve of the Sochi Olympics, where figure skater Daisuke Takahashi was due to perform to Samuragochi’s “Sonatina for Violin,” a part-time music lecturer named Takashi Niigaki stepped forward to reveal that he had been ghostwriting for the “deaf genius” for the past 18 years. Samuragochi, he said, couldn’t even read the musical scores that bore his name. Oh, and he could hear perfectly well too.

The revelation prompted humiliating public apologies from Samuragochi, his record label and NHK, which had broadcast a laudatory documentary about him the previous year. Niigaki parlayed his newfound notoriety into minor celebrity status, while his former employer vanished from view.

Two years on, Samuragochi is back in the public eye, courtesy of a documentary by filmmaker and author Tatsuya Mori. Shot over the course of 16 months, “Fake” inducts viewers into the claustrophobic world of a disgraced celebrity in hiding. Much of the film’s action happens behind drawn curtains in a dimly lit apartment, where Samuragochi spends the days brooding, comforted by his unflappable wife, Kaori, and a laconic gray cat.

Mori first visited the apartment with an editor who’d been bugging him to write a book about the story, and says he found the location instantly appealing.

“When you open the window, there are trains going by right outside,” he recalls. “I thought the whole setting was very photogenic. It didn’t feel right for a book — I wanted to film it instead.” He pitched the documentary on the spot.

Coming from a more prolific filmmaker, this might not have been so surprising. But it’s been 15 years since Mori’s last feature, “A2,” the sequel to his 1998 documentary about the Aum Shinrikyo cult, “A.” Though he co-directed “311,” a controversial film released in the immediate aftermath of the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake, these days he’s better known for writing about documentaries than making them.

“You can’t make a living as a documentary filmmaker in Japan,” he says. “There are lots of people who manage it in America, like Michael Moore and (Frederick) Wiseman, but in Japan it’s impossible. I’ve had three children in the past 15 years, and I need to put them all through school — which I can do if I write books instead.”

Mori’s 2005 book “Dokyumentari wa Uso o tsuku” (“Documentaries Lie”), later adapted into a show for TV Tokyo, gives a clear indication of where he stands on the integrity of nonfiction filmmaking. He visibly brightens when I mention Shohei Imamura, whose 1967 film “A Man Vanishes” was a landmark of documentary disingenuousness.

“I think documentaries and journalism are different,” he says. “In journalism, if I was going to interview Samuragochi, then I’d also include the other side, by talking to ‘anti’ people like Niigaki and (nonfiction writer Norio) Koyama. That’s just a natural part of the process, but with a documentary I don’t feel it’s necessary.”

Media literacy — the ability to think critically about messages disseminated in the news — is a recurrent theme in Mori’s writing, and it’s a skill that he believes is badly lacking in Japan.

“Journalists always have some kind of bias, and people should be aware of that,” he says. “Instead, everyone thinks something is true just because it’s written in the Asahi Shimbun, or that NHK would never get its facts wrong — then, when that turns out not to be the case, they get angry.”

Mori isn’t inclined to be so binary himself. In making a film about Samuragochi, he says, “I didn’t care about finding out what was true or what was false.” Rather, he sought to reveal the subtleties that the mainstream media had bulldozed through in its reporting on the story.

Although the public persona that Samuragochi cultivated was undoubtedly a sham, Mori makes clear that it wasn’t entirely fabricated either. His deafness is genuine, if only partial; more surprisingly — and the film’s distributors made me promise not to reveal too much here — “Fake” provides some evidence of his musical talents, too.

The documentary is unlikely to rehabilitate its subject, but it may make viewers feel more sympathetic to his plight — assuming, that is, that they watch it in the first place. During the film, Samuragochi is approached by Fuji TV to do a sit-down interview in which he can give his side of story. But when the interview was broadcast in a primetime slot at the end of 2014, it was virtually ignored.

“I was surprised about that — there was barely a ripple,” says Mori. “You’ll get attention if you bash Samuragochi, but if you’re not doing that, people won’t be interested.”

This doesn’t exactly bode well for the prospects of a documentary about Japan’s bogus Beethoven, does it?

“I think this film is probably going to get ignored because of that — it’s scary,” Mori concedes. “All the way through filming, my producer was telling me: ‘No-one even remembers this guy anymore. This film is going to flop.’“


Source: http://www.japantimes.co.jp/culture/2016/06/01/films/theres-real-story-behind-fake-documentary/

Saturday, July 4, 2015

Filmmaking for Fieldwork

Image borrowed from All Rites Reversed web site.

Announcement via the Visual Anthropology Forum:

AllRitesReversed are presenting a two week intensive filmmaking course in association with Futureworks School of Media and with teachers resident at The Granada Centre for Visual Anthropology at the University of Manchester. This highly successful short course, now in its seventh year, has attracted many experts in the field of Visual Anthropology. Filmmaking For Fieldwork runs in central Manchester (UK) each summer and there are exciting plans to take the course on the road to global destinations.

For more information: http://www.allritesreversed.co.uk/short-courses.html

Monday, January 26, 2015

"It’s OK to film people in public in Japan, if the conditions justify it"

My colleague Sally brought this recent article by attorney Kyoko Hijikata in The Japan Times (1/25/15) to my attention. It addresses a complex question that VAOJ has been wrestling with for years.

Reader R.S. asks, “In Japan, is it OK to film other people in public?

Well, in Japan, freedom of expression is guaranteed by Article 21 of the Constitution. As filming and taking pictures are two of the means by which individuals can express their ideas, they are protected by Article 21.

On the other hand, people have the right not to be photographed or filmed without good reason. We call this their portrait rights, and this right is based on Article 13 of the Constitution, which guarantees the “right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”

So, Japan’s courts have had to consider which right takes priority in particular cases. In a ruling in 2005, the Supreme Court stated that taking photos without consent is illegal if the extent of the violation of the subject’s personal rights exceeds the maximum acceptable according to social norms, while taking into consideration the social status of the people photographed, the content of activities, the location where filming took place, the photographers’ purpose, the way the pictures were taken, the necessity of capturing the images, and so on. Although the case that led to this ruling concerned courtroom photographs and drawings, the precedent is considered to apply equally to film.

In the Supreme Court case, the photographer had taken pictures of the accused in court, and the Supreme Court made the judgment that this act was illegal because the accused was in handcuffs, which were tied to a rope around his waist, and the photographer had not obtained the court’s permission to take pictures.

As described above, the courts make judgments based on several factors, which means the decision-making process can be quite detailed, and rulings will differ from case to case depending on these variables.

For example, in another quite similar case in November 1993, the Tokyo High Court ruled that images of a suspect being driven to court were legal. The filming was done from the road, and the picture of the accused only showed his upper body, so restraints such as handcuffs and ropes were not visible.

So, to answer the reader’s question, “Is there a right to film other people in public?” the answer is “Yes, but only if it can be justified in the circumstances.”


Source: http://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2015/01/25/how-tos/its-ok-to-film-people-in-public-in-japan-if-the-conditions-justify-it/#.VMXRrieWRHB

I think this answer to the question of photographing in public in Japan is dangerous because of its simplicity. Hijikata discusses the difficulty courts have in making such decisions (there are many more cases the author should probably have considered other than those dealing with criminals - how about some real life scenarios?) so how can a normal citizen, student and/or foreigner judge "if it can be justified in the circumstances"? It is more than simple rights - ethics, morals, values and feelings should be considered. If I were pressed to give a simplistic answer to this question, I would say ask the person you are photographing for permission.

For previous VAOJ coverage of this question, see the Shooting Culture in Japan project: http://visualanthropologyofjapan.blogspot.jp/2009/02/ethics-of-visual-anthropology-in-japan_12.html

Tuesday, September 23, 2014

Ethics of Visual Anthropology in Japan - Part Eight: The Dialogue Continues


I cannot believe it has been 5 years since the beginning of VAOJ's Shooting Culture in Japan project. The first goal of the project was to establish and suggest some guidelines for shooting film and photographs in Japan for students in my Visual Anthropology of Japan course. Through the years my students have produced successful blogs, photo exhibitions and films with no major ethical or legal problems. The second goal of the project was to begin and promote dialogue and discussion of the methods and ethics of shooting culture with an emphasis on Japan. VAOJ produced seven posts providing various sources and perspectives on the issues of shooting film and photographs in Japan. You can review these posts at the following url:

http://visualanthropologyofjapan.blogspot.jp/2009/02/ethics-of-visual-anthropology-in-japan_12.html

I am happy to report that the dialogue has continued (or was going on in places I had not yet seen). Here I want to provide a long overdue update that includes important resources dealing with photography and visual anthropology from academic institutions, anthropologists and photographers.

First, I would like to examine the efforts of the Society for Visual Anthropology (SVA, a section of the American Anthropological Association, AAA). On November 28, 2001 it produced the following:

Guidelines for the Evaluation of Ethnographic Visual Media

AAA STATEMENT produced by the SOCIETY FOR VISUAL ANTHROPOLOGY


Ethnographic visual media (specially film, video, photography and digital multimedia) play a significant role in the production and application of anthropological knowledge and form an integral part of the discipline’s course offerings. Anthropologists involved in the production of visual works make valuable scholarly contributions to the discipline. In addition, anthropologists increasingly include visual media productions as part of their curricula vitae. Departmental and university Committees for Hiring, Promoting and Tenure are thus charged with judging the scholarly quality of these non-print works. Yet not all anthropologists bring appropriate experience or training to their evaluation of visual media and no standard guideline exists.

The above is the first paragraph which seems to be mostly concerned with academic institutions being able to recognize and judge the merit of visual methods and images in anthropological research. The last sentence is important that it indicates the lack of any guidelines in methods and evaluation. See the whole statement at the following url:

http://www.aaanet.org/about/Policies/Guide_Visual.cfm

In 2007 the SVA, especially members Sara Perry and Jonathon S. Marion, began a series of discussions and roundtables on the ethics involved in visual anthropology. Their publication, "State of the Ethics in Visual Anthropology"(Visual Anthropology Review, Vol. 26, Issue 2, pp. 96–104) includes a description of the first three events (2007, 2008, 2009). Below is a brief overview of the SVA sponsored discussions and roundtables (italicized descriptions come from Perry and Marion 2010 for the first three events; descriptions of the last three events are borrowed from announcements on the SVA blog).

2007 "Ethics and Examples: A Discussion Regarding Visual Ethics"

Main theme: real-world ethical matters faced by anthropologists working with visual data (p. 96).

2008 "The Ethics of Visual Data: Picturing Inclusion, Collaboration, and Engagement"

Of note: cases from the subfields of archaeological, sociocultural and biological anthropology (p.97).

2009 "End/s, Ethics, and Images: A Roundtable Discussion on Visual Ethics"

Main theme: visual media, as with all forms of representation, are often used and understood in unanticipated ways outside and sometimes within their original anthropological frameworks of creation (p. 97).

2010 “Ethics and Images: A Discussion of Visual Ethics and Circulation”

Main theme: to explore the ethical considerations implicated and involved in the intersections of images and circulation.

2011 "Traces of the Image: A Roundtable Discussion on Visual Ethics"

Questions of interest: How have histories of anthropological practice impacted on our contemporary management of imagery? How are shifting visual technologies and intellectual paradigms disrupting or rearranging our ethical priorities? Where is representational authority situated in unstable, multiply-occupied/authored anthropological contexts?

2012 "On The Boarders of the Image: A Roundtable Discussion on Visual Ethics"

Of particular interest is the iterative and unstable nature of image use-the navigation of visual value systems and moralities across time, space, cultural and institutional context, particularly when circumscribed by programmatic ethical review models.

2013 "Conflicting Accounts: A Roundtable Discussion on Visual Ethics"

Goal: to investigate the responsibility of photographers, filmmakers, ethnographers to present a ‘balanced’ representation of the conflict.

These authors are to be commended for their work and keeping the dialogue going. Their "State of the Ethics in Visual Anthropology" also provides guidelines from other anthropological associations that have ethical guidelines for their members that the SVA and AAA currently lack.

Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and Commonwealth - Ethical Guidelines for Good Research Practice (March, 1999)

These guidelines address such issues as personal and moral relationships, trust and reciprocity between the researcher and research participants, power relationships, informed consent, rejection of visual methods, intellectual property rights, copyright clearances, etc. See the details at the following url:

http://www.theasa.org/ethics/guidelines.shtml

Statement Of Ethical Practice For The British Sociological Association – Visual Sociology Group (December 2006)

These guidelines start out with an important Statement of Intent:

The statement does not represent a core method for resolving ethical choices or dilemmas, but aims to give direction and stimulate consideration of ethical factors in sociological research utilizing visual methodologies/methods.

The statement is not an exhaustive list of ethical considerations, but rather a guide to ethical practice in professional activities.

The strength of this statement rest ultimately on active discussion, reflection, and its continued use by sociologists. In addition, the statement will help to communicate the professional position of sociologists to others, especially those involved in or affected by the activities of sociologists.


The document goes on to consider professional integrity, legal considerations, relations and responsibilities towards research participants, covert research, anonymity, privacy and confidentiality. See details in the following url:

http://www.visualsociology.org.uk/about/ethical_statement.php

These two sets of guidelines are important and helpful. Again, many thanks to Perry and Marion for supplying them in their article. Perry and Marion go on to comment about attempts to provide guidelines:

...what they witness is our collective struggles with matters of visual competency and authority: with questions about what constitutes ‘‘the visual,’’ who owns it, who can reproduce and educate about it, where it resides, how it can be manipulated and construed, and with what effects, and who has the skill to manage it with the fewest adverse ramifications. At stake, thus, are major issues of accountability, responsibility, social justice, authorship, rigor, specificity, and overall proficiency and training in image production and circulation. These are matters common and significant to all forms and subjects of visual representation and to all who make, disseminate, and consume such representation. They may not always be manageable with the same tools or intellectual strategies, but as the SVA ethics roundtables attest, they are present and potent across the anthropological field - no subdiscipline excluded (p. 100).

Perry and Marion also indicate that a SVA ethics committee has been formed. I look forward to hearing more about this group and their work.

***

Another helpful resources that sheds light on these issues specifically in Japan is the edited book by Jennifer E. Robertson, Politics and Pitfalls of Japan Ethnography: Reflexivity, Responsibility, and Anthropological Ethics (2009; Routledge Press). ann-elise lewallen provides a chapter entitled, “Bones of Contention: Negotiating Anthropological Ethics within Fields of Ainu Refusal” (p. 3-24) where she describes the 1985 lawsuit of Ainu activist Cikap Mieko against editors of Ainu Minzokushi (Ainu Ethnology) for unauthorized publishing of her photo. lewallen writes:

In the portrait rights lawsuit she later launched, she challenged the way that scholars had treated her as a ‘research object’ and criticized the books portrayal of Ainu as ‘primitive,’ ‘barbarian,’ and ‘uncivilized.’ Although the lawsuit is framed as a ‘portrait rights case,’ Cikap’s rationale for launching the case stems from usage of her photograph in a text that epitomizes the colonialist invasion of Hokkaido and academic excess (12).

One result of this lawsuit was the Japanese Society of Ethnology (JSE) 1989 “Statement on Ainu and Research Ethics” which established general standards for Ainu research, urging researchers to recognize Ainu as a distinct ethnic group, to promote collaborative research, and to promote public education of Ainu issues (12). But JSE guidelines for all research lack except for their Research Ethics Committee brief report in Minzokugaku Kenkyu (society journal) that touched upon issues including relations between researchers and researched, concerns related to gender, obligations to repatriate research findings, copyright and portrait rights, informant remuneration, and language and translation issues (12). lewallen discusses the problem of a perceived "ethics allergy" [where a] compulsory code might impinge on academic freedom (13).

***

One final source I would like to present is a very important book that was mentioned in a previous VAOJ post and is especially relevant for this discussion:

日本写真家協会 [Japan Professional Photographer’s Society]
2007 スナップ写真のルールとマナー [The Rules and Manners of Snapshot Photos]. Tokyo: Asahi Shinsho.


This book is written in Japanese; I take all responsibility for any errors in interpretation of ideas or language. The book was written in the context of more and more digital cameras and cell phone cameras available and thus being used more often in public. In some instances, intentional or not, problems have arisen in photographing and/or the dissemination of images. The book endorses good relationships with people in the realms of trust, manners, etiquette, morals, human interaction and human rights. In the areas of publishing and displaying photos the book provides legal definitions and discussions of portrait rights, copyright, use rights, personal rights, property rights and publication rights. More specifically it provides various scenarios and gives advice for each setting. These scenarios include street fairs, parks, sight-seeing locations, temples/shrines, mountain hiking paths, sporting events, shops, etc. The following are general themes that appear in various sections of the book that I have summarized and feel to be good advice for taking photos in public in Japan (especially in the realm of not for profit and for academic use only):

1. Get permission; under most circumstances a release form is not necessary. Smile and give the ”simple asking gesture” before you shoot. It is usually obvious when people do not want to be photographed.

2. Explain what you are doing and offer to send/give photos to the people you are photographing.

3. If people object, don’t take the photo.

4. Don’t take covert photos.

5. Don’t get in the way of events or people resting (from an activity or hiking, for example).

6. Respect people and their property. Understand their personal and human rights.

7. Have a confident, positive attitude; always be grateful for taking photos.

8. Put yourself in the place of your subjects: would you want to be photographed in that particular situation?

This good advice along with the various information presented from these resources seem to reinforce the scenarios and advice offered in Part Seven of this series. VAOJ will keep this dialogue going through introducing more resources and posting related and articles. Please contribute to this dialogue through comments, ideas, experiences and recommended related resources.

Friday, September 5, 2014

"Man arrested for taking 'normal' picture of woman on train"

As VAOJ has stated many times, privacy laws are different in Japan. People have a right to privacy even when in public. So it is always best - and safe - to ask permission before taking a photo in public. See the story below from Japan Today, 9/5/14:

Japan was one of the first countries to sell mobile phones equipped with a camera back in 2000. Having a camera on you at all times sure does come in handy, as you’ll always be able to capture that special moment wherever you are.

Unfortunately, sometimes that special moment is a peep-shot or a scandalous photo which is certainly a violation of privacy. Japan has taken a very no-nonsense approach to help stop these highly inappropriate photos, and it comes in the form of the Anti-Nuisance Ordinance. So powerful is this law that the latest person to be arrested has caused a bit of commotion. His crime? Taking a picture of a fully-clothed woman sitting beside him on the train.

The 40-year-old man was arrested in Kawasaki City for taking pictures of a young woman next to him on the train. The police arrived on the scene after the woman called and informed them of what the man did. The photos in question did not contain any sneaky under the skirt shots or attempts to get a glimpse of her bra, just full body shots, head to toe.

So, why was the man arrested? Cases like this have made the news in the past few years, falling under the aforementioned Anti-Nuisance Ordinance. The law is quite broad in its language, but seeks to protect one thing: the safety and well-being of women. The law states that it doesn’t matter what you are taking a picture of, if the woman being photographed is made to feel uncomfortable or starts feeling anxious, you are liable to be arrested. Even so much as pointing a camera in the victim’s direction without taking a picture is grounds for arrest.

The last controversial case like this became big news back in 2011, when a man was arrested for taking pictures of a woman sleeping on the train. Another back in 2008 involved a Self-Defense Forces member, whose guilty verdict was upheld by the Supreme Court for violating the Anti-Nuisance Ordinance by taking 11 pictures of a woman’s butt/hip area. The woman had all of her clothes on but the court ruled he was in clear violation of the law.

The law also does not discriminate with the age of the woman and any female, young or old, can complain that she is feeling “shy, ashamed or embarrassed”, and the person causing that discomfort will have to deal with the police in some fashion.

With another case getting national coverage in Japan, the Anti-Nuisance Ordinance will surely continue to be scrutinized. For example, the ordinance does not mention males in any fashion. What if it’s a man’s picture being taken and it makes him feel uncomfortable? Is this against the law? There’s also the question of how far does this law go? What about people who are taking pictures in Shibuya Crossing, one of the busiest pedestrian intersections in the world? Or someone who’s been caught by the Google Maps car? Or most of the programs on Japanese TV?


Source: http://www.japantoday.com/category/crime/view/man-arrested-for-taking-normal-picture-of-woman-on-train

Thursday, November 21, 2013

"Iwate tries to crack down on upskirt photos taken with cell phones"

From today's Japan Today:

The northern prefecture of Iwate has Japanese Internet commentators furious over a recent proposal by police there to criminalize pointing a cell phone toward someone if it is suspected the would be photographer is trying to get an upskirt picture.

Police say that they want to “expand” their approach to catching perverts sneaking naughty photos, but critics say this proposed legislation will turn any man with a cell phone into a potential criminal, regardless of whether their finger goes anywhere near the shutter button.

Currently under Iwate law, taking photos of someone’s underwear without their knowledge is only illegal if law enforcement have proof that a picture is taken. In the day and age of easily deletable digital pictures, police say that it is too easy for these panty paparazzi to erase the evidence. Moreover, with smartphone apps that can silence the shutter sound (a big no-no in Japan), they complain too many people are getting away with upskirt photography. So police want to be able to prosecute someone for proof that they intended to take a picture, even if there is no physical evidence.

Netizens were quick to criticize the proposed law, which will come up for vote in the prefectural assembly next March. Otherwise innocent people would be unfairly arrested for just having a smartphone and perhaps staring too long in someone’s direction, they said. Worried about their freedom to brandish a camera phone freely without judgement, netizens said they would think twice about any upcoming travel plans to the northern prefecture if the law is passed.

—I don’t want to get arrested, so I’ll be avoiding Iwate from now on.

—Well, I didn’t really want to go there anyway.

According to a story by the Yomiuri Shimbun, the police will be taking public opinion until Dec 6 and then they will draft the final legislation based on what they hear from the people. Netizens have plenty to tell the Iwate authorities and hoped they would think twice before the prefecture becomes infamous for having the most upskirt pic convictions nationwide.

—I totally understand why, but all this will do is arrest innocent people.

—How will they prove it? Will it just be the word of the accuser against the accused? Sounds dubious.

—From far enough away, doesn’t any picture taken have the possibility of being pointed toward someone’s underwear. Where will the line be drawn?

Are the police justified in their call to crackdown on covert photography? Or are the netizens right and will this law create “criminals” whose only crime is pointing a smartphone in the wrong direction?


Source: http://www.japantoday.com/category/crime/view/iwate-tries-to-crack-down-on-upskirt-photos-taken-with-cell-phones

UPDATE: See also "Cop busted for filming up skirt of student on escalator" (Japan Today 11/25/13) http://www.japantoday.com/category/crime/view/cop-busted-for-filming-up-skirt-of-student-on-escalator

Wednesday, October 30, 2013

Announcement: "Towards Gonzo Anthropology: Ethnography as Cultural Performance"

A recently published article that might be of interest to visual anthropologists...

Abstract: This article provides an “ethnography of ethnography” through exploring the balance between scientific methods and humanistic insights in the process of cultural description. The major argument presented is that anthropological fieldwork (especially participant observation) and discourse (i.e. forms of cultural representation) combine to become a cultural performance where the ethnographer serves as an actor, director, recorder of events, writer, artist and audience all in one. The application of performance theory in all phases of fieldwork along with certain qualities of discourse style are introduced and referred to by the author as “Gonzo Anthropology.” An analysis of the work of Hunter S. Thompson, founder of gonzo methods, will be included along with examples of the author’s cultural descriptions of Hare Krishnas in San Francisco and deaf people in Japan. This essay is a product of twenty years of study, application, consideration and reconsiderations of the ethnographic process and aims to contribute important, relevant and interesting dialogue for multiple and multivocal actors and audiences engaged in anthropological research.

Key Words: ethnography, cultural performance, Hunter S. Thompson, Gonzo Anthropology

Fedorowicz, Steven C. (2013) Towards Gonzo Anthropology: Ethnography as Cultural performance, Journal of Inquiry and Research No. 98, Kansai Gaidai University, Hirakata, Japan.

Tuesday, October 1, 2013

VAOJ Special Screening: ManDove


Visual Anthropology of Japan presents a screening of ManDove, an experimental documentary film by Jim de Sève and Kian Tjong. The event is free and open to all. It will take place at the International Communication Center at Kansai Gaidai University in Hirakata City, Osaka.

Tuesday, 8 October 2013
6:30 PM
Kansai Gaidai University
ICC Building, 4th Floor Grand Hall
Discussion and reception after the film.


ManDove (2012, 65 min.) follows the magical perkutut birds casting spells on men, taking them away from their wives, and pitting them against each other to prove their masculinity.

SYNOPSIS

In a peculiar travelogue, two filmmakers dive into an ancient rite of manhood in Islamic Java – the tender and raucous sport of the singing doves, the Indonesian NASCAR.

When General Zainuri announces the National Perkutut Championship, thousands of Muslim men arrive at the grounds. Seven hundred poles stand in the center. Men hoist their doves – perkutut – seven meters up and dangle them in a sea of colorful cages. A team of judges passes through the forest of tall posts straining to discern the birds’ magical coos. If the judges are impressed they score a bird’s song by tacking a small flag to the pole. After three hours a winner is declared. Winning perkutut sell for tens of millions rupiahs – tens of thousands of dollars.

METHOD & STYLE

ManDove, in its subtle and oblique approach, pays homage to Indonesian cinema of social critique. During Suharto’s dictatorship, filmmakers avoided harsh censorship by utilizing subtle and indirect associations. In other words, they “spoke in codes” to their audience. A creative dialog took place beyond what a film was allowed to say explicitly.

ManDove’s top layer is a story of men who play with male birds. Underneath is the story of the “contact zone,” the zone where the filmmakers and the subjects collide in comic struggle to control the camera.

The film plays out as a treasure hunt, leading the audience from clue to clue and issue to issue, from orientalism, masculinity to the power of representation. Underscoring all of this and cleverly hidden is the filmmakers’ role as a gay couple and their wariness of being discovered. This level, when recognized by the audience, reframes the entire film.

ManDove breaks free from the current trends in documentary filmmaking: the prevalence of tell-all documentaries; the hegemony of central-character/central-conflict theory; and the preference of narrative film language achieved by eliminating the camera from audience’s conscience. It’s an experiment to expand documentary as an art form.


Mandove website: http://singingdove.com/

Map of Kansai Gaidai: http://www.kansaigaidai.ac.jp/asp/admission/_userdata/CMP.pdf

Friday, August 2, 2013

Local Matsuri IV: People


While photographers recognize that a subject’s uncertainty about the use of a picture is often the source of interactional tension, they are for the most part sufficiently confident about the harmlessness of their photographing (to subjects) or its importance (to themselves, or to “public information”) and sufficiently interested in carrying on doing it that consent is not so much to be reckoned with among subjects as dispensed with (Henderson 1988: 92).

I like a bit of privacy myself, especially when it is so scarce a commodity these days. But I never take embarrassing pictures of people on the street and I always try and respect them, communicate with them and share my photos with them if I can. Japanese people are on the whole very cool with this. And if they don’t want their picture taken, 95 times out of 100 they just turn the other way (Goodrich, September 22, 2009).


It’s not easy taking photos of people in public that you don’t know. This is the challenge of street photography. One might ask what is the purpose of such an endeavor? To capture interesting characters and/or representatives of Japanese culture? Does this really add to the sociology of Japan?

It was my intention to walk around the matsuri and take pictures of people enjoying the festival. I especially wanted to photograph people wearing brightly colored summer yukata. I found, however, that people were busy having fun and I didn’t feel right interrupting them. I did ask a few yukata-clad women if I could photograph them but they all refused. And I understood. After all, who was this foreign guy with a camera, and what would he be doing with the pictures? As I walked slowly through the masses I felt as if I was some sort of perverse voyeur stalking prey.

But once again the mixed blessing of being a foreigner kicked in. People began calling out to me in simple English and were surprised when I responded in Japanese. During these short/fun interactions I asked if I could take their photographs and they answered by flashing the peace sign along with a big smile. Some people wanted to take my picture (as if I were some sort of celebrity?).

I also found I could take pictures of people working at food stalls if I bought something. People were also willing to be photographed if I asked a question about the festival or had an extended conversation with them.









For the visual anthropologist a bit of street photography might be an early phase of fieldwork. The camera can be a tool for creating interactions and building rapport. And of course the photographs are data, and a good source for reciprocity (giving photos to the people you photograph). Visual anthropology is all about long-term collaboration and negotiation in the areas of privacy and representation. But perhaps we are getting too serious here (when you do want to get serious, click here for more on the ethics of public photography in Japan). We shouldn’t lose sight of the topic, the Local Matsuri. We have enjoyed the mikoshi, the evening activities, the food and now let’s enjoy the people.

The next post completes this VAOJ arc - Local Matsuri V: くわしく.

References:

Goodrich, Alfie. Japanorama Blog. "Faces of Tokyo: street photography in the megalopolis." Posted on September 22, 2009. http://japanorama.co.uk/2009/09/22/faces-of-tokyo-street-photography-in-the-megalopolis/

Henderson, Lisa. "Access and consent in public photography." Image ethics: The moral rights of subjects in photographs, film and television (1988): 91-107.

Visual Anthropology of Japan, Local Matsuri I: The Mikoshi, posted July 30, 2013.

Visual Anthropology of Japan, Local Matsuri II: Evening Activities, posted July 31, 2013.

Visual Anthropology of Japan, Local Matsuri III: Tamago Senbei, posted August 1, 2013.

Visual Anthropology of Japan, Ethics of Visual Anthropology in Japan - Part Seven: The Guidelines, posted February 13, 2009.

Tuesday, July 30, 2013

Local Matsuri I: The Mikoshi


A festival is like a circus that has spilled out over a whole neighborhood; it brings with it the bitter-sweet feeling that no matter where you contrive to be, you are unavoidably missing most of the fun. A festival is a garden of delights, and part of the joy of it is knowing there is just too much joy abroad for any one person top absorb.

But the most conspicuous activity of the festival centers about the excitement of the street procession
(Sadler 1972:89).

Summer in Japan brings with it many matsuri, or festivals, especially those centered on parading a Shinto deity on a portable shrine, or mikoshi, around the neighborhood that worships at the local shrine. The idea is that the deity can tour the neighborhood and bestow blessings upon the people of the parish (especially those who give contributions along the way). Another important part of the matsuri is the evening activities: food and game stalls are set up near the shrine and within the shrine grounds itself many performances (especially dances) take place.

This last weekend a shrine near my house (but in a different neighborhood) held its annual summer festival. This was another great opportunity for the visual anthropologist to take photos and interact with  the neighbors to learn more about local festival traditions. These traditions vary greatly, even in neighborhoods of close proximity. My own neighborhood holds an autumn festival centered on a danjiri rather than a mikoshi.


Early Sunday afternoon I heard whistles and shouts of wasshoi wasshoi ("to stay with harmony") behind my house. I grabbed my camera and went to meet the street procession. There were two small mikoshi as this neighborhood catered to children's participation. Mothers and older gentlemen from the neighborhood helped the children manage the parade route. As I met them they were about to take a break. I took a few photos before they stopped. Then I intended to leave as I have seen these processions many times. But before I could leave I was approached by an older man who gave me a can of juice. Another man encourage me to take photos of the mikoshi. He then asked me to take a group shot of the participants at the conclusion of the parade an hour later.  So I ended up following the mikoshi through the winding streets while curious participants asked where I was from, what I was doing in Japan and quizzed me on my Japanese language skills. Some children literally poked me in the ribs, wanting to get a feel for the first foreigner they met (!). My foreignness was a mixed blessing. It gave me a reason for being there and taking photos (the assumption being that I had never encountered such cultural practices before in my own country). But at the same time I was treated as an oddity (mostly with politeness but sometimes with jest that some might consider offensive). Very few could understand that I lived close to them for over 8 years and many children couldn't believe I had moved to Japan before they we even born.


There was one encounter with children that was a pleasant surprise. Two elementary school aged girls were asking me about my origins and such. The older girl began making fun of me (as children often tend to do...) and was making broad gestures with her arms. I started to tease her back and asked if she was doing sign language. The the younger girl then signed to me: "Can you do sign language?" It turned out she was hard of hearing and usually wore a hearing aid. She took it out this day because of all the water that was being sprayed on the participants to keep them cool (I had to pay special attention to this activity to protect my camera). She told me she was one of 12 students in a special class for hard of hearing children at her school. We continued chatting in (very basic) sign language until the end of the break, much to the surprise of the adults nearby.


Coordinating the procession on the narrow streets is challenging, especially when other pedestrians and bike riders want to get through.


I usually don't post photos of young kids, but since their parents didn't object, I couldn't resist. Besides, the kids told me that they were disguised as dorobo, or thieves.


And so finally at the end of the procession the group took another break to drink juice and cool down. One of the organizers then announced in his megaphone that all were to assemble so that the American could take their picture. He had to make this same announcement a few times before everyone followed his orders. As the children posed mothers stood in front of them taking their own photos on their smart phones before the organizer told them to get out of the way so I could take the shot. And here it is:


A nice memorial photo for the day... I plan to give this photo along with others I took to the event organizers in digital form so they can distribute it to all the participants.

Below, a different group returns to the shrine after touring their own neighborhood. Sometimes it is difficult to understand where the boarders between neighborhoods are in Japan. Following the mikoshi (or danjiri) gives one a good idea of the boundaries.


I like the portable taiko drum...


It was a busy weekend in the neighborhood, too much to cover in one post. Coming up next on VAOJ... Local Matsuri II: Evening Activities

References:

Center for Regional Sustainable Initiatives Newsletter, No. 3, January 31, 2012.

Matsuri: Festival and Rite in Japanese Life, Institute for Japanese Culture and Classics, Kokugakuin University, 1988.

Sadler, A. W. "Carrying the mikoshi: Further field notes on the shrine festival in modern Tokyo." Asian folklore studies 31.1 (1972): 89-114.

Sunday, July 14, 2013

"Kids on film"

From The Japan News, 7/12/13:

As the stylishly dressed model flashed a pose, the photographer snapped some shots.

“How about wearing a pair of sunglasses?” the photographer asked.

But this was not a fashion shoot or a photo session for a magazine. The model was a first-grade primary school boy, and he was the star of some commemorative photos to mark the entrance ceremony season, which had already passed.

“Shall we blow some soap bubbles?” the camerawoman said at Life Studio Koshigaya, a photo studio in a warehouse off a national highway in Koshigaya, Saitama Prefecture. Natural light streamed in from large windows, and an old British car sits in the center of the room. There are several corners with different themes, such as an all-white kitchen and a brick wall reminiscent of one perhaps seen in a foreign country.

While moving around the studio, it took about one hour for the photographer to shoot 75 pictures of the boy. During short breaks, he changed his clothes twice.

His 41-year-old mother was delighted with the photos. “It’s a fashionable studio and his photos have a great atmosphere,” she said.

Life Studio has 18 outlets mainly in the Tokyo metropolitan area. Reservations to shoot such personalized photos on weekends are booked up six months in advance.

These photo studios have revolutionized commemorative photography. Many parents are turning to these studies that offer exotic backgrounds and stylish outfits to create expressive images of their children.

Happily Photo Studio located in the Omotesando district of Shibuya Ward, Tokyo, has four studios with different themes, such as romantic or classical settings.

Before it became Happily Photo Studio, it was a rental dress shop. It has about 480 free outfits for children to pose in. Fashionable brand dresses for their mothers are also available. The studio is popular as both children and their mothers can be photographed together in their favorite dresses.

Nagishio Photography Kagurazaka is located in a condominium in Shinjuku Ward, Tokyo. Typically, professional cameramen who work for fashion magazines and in other related industries are in charge of children’s commemorative photos. They do not take stock frontal photos but focus on expressive ones from various angles.

New way to keep photos

At conventional photo studios, customers must buy their printed photos. However, some new studios sell the photo data to customers.

For example, Life Studio sells a compact disc containing 70 to 75 shots for 29,400 yen, while Happily Photo Studio sells CDs with 75 shots, starting from 29,800 yen.

Customers at Nagishio Photography Kagurazaka pay 29,400 yen for a one-hour session. The price includes a CD with more than 120 shots.

Each studio offers printed versions for an extra charge.

Kaori Onodera, an editor of the guidebook “Tokyo Photo Studio Guide” from Gap Japan K.K., said: “These new studios are popular because they take a lot of expressive photos in various poses in fashionable settings. Additionally, they sell the data, so customers can easily process them for New Year’s cards or upload them to Facebook. The data format is especially popular with the younger generation.”


Source: http://the-japan-news.com/news/article/0000349334

See Related: 10 questions to ask your newborn photographer - A mom and professional photographer shares her insights
http://living.msn.com/family-parenting/mom-to-mom-blog-post/?post=7cbb3e22-cc7a-47fe-a6ff-9a8b83b370c1

Tuesday, July 9, 2013

CINEMA TYPHOON @ TKU2013 “Filming ‘Fukushima’: Diverse Memories, Multiple Representations”

This year’s “Cinema Typhoon” will present three films on the theme of people’s memories and filmic representations. Funahashi Atushi’s “Nuclear Nation”, Fujiwara Toshi’s “No Man’s Zone” and Ian Thomas Ash’s “A2″ deal with the ordinary people’s lives and feelings devastated by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power station’s accident in March 2011, each of which provokes us to ponder on individual processes in which private memories are transformed into public representations, and representations recreate memories.

Only a short while after the 3.11 earthquake, tsunami and nuclear ‘triple disaster’, the first filmmakers ventured to Fukushima and the Tohoku disaster areas to document the devastating effects on people’s lives. Since then, an astonishing array of documentary as well as feature films about the aftermath of the Fukushima nuclear disaster has been produced, constituting what has poignantly been called an ‘all-but-instant subgenre’ (D. Lim). Why are so many films made about the Fukushima nuclear disaster? What are the motivations of the filmmakers? In which ways might these films participate in the production of a public ‘Fukushima’ memory? How can they stem forgetting, when ‘disaster fatigue’ has already set in? Do these films affect, or seek to influence, anti-nuclear thinking and movements nationally and internationally? The panel discussion, including the directors Funahashi and Fujiwara, aims to address these and other questions pertinent to the production, screening, and reception of films concerned with the social consequences of the Fukushima nuclear disaster. The discussion will be complemented with screening a small but fine selection of relevant films.Suggested Film Screenings (all of these available with English subtitles):Nuclear Nation/Futaba kara tōku hanarete (dir. Funahashi Atsushi)No Man’s Zone/Mujin chitai (dir. Fujiwara Toshi)Fukushima: Memories of the Lost Landscape/Sōma Kanka (dir. Matsubayashi Jojyu)Odayaka na nichijō (dir. Uchida Nobuteru)[Language: English and Japanese]


Dates: July 13-14, 2013
Place: Room B201 in Bldg. 2 at Tokyo Keizai Daigaku Access Map: http://www.tku.ac.jp/access/kokubunji/
Campus Map: http://www.tku.ac.jp/campus/institution/kokubunji/

For more details: http://cultural-typhoon.com/2013/en/cinema-typhoon/